In September of the year during the February of which Hawthorne had completed
“The Scarlet Letter,” he began “The House of the Seven
Gables.” Meanwhile, he had removed from Salem to Lenox, in Berkshire
County, Massachusetts, where he occupied with his family a small red wooden
house, still standing at the date of this edition, near the Stockbridge Bowl.
“I sha’n’t have the new story ready by November,” he
explained to his publisher, on the 1st of October, “for I am never good
for anything in the literary way till after the first autumnal frost, which has
somewhat such an effect on my imagination that it does on the foliage here
about me—multiplying and brightening its hues.” But by vigorous
application he was able to complete the new work about the middle of the
January following.
Since research has disclosed the manner in which the romance is interwoven with
incidents from the history of the Hawthorne family, “The House of the
Seven Gables” has acquired an interest apart from that by which it first
appealed to the public. John Hathorne (as the name was then spelled), the
great-grandfather of Nathaniel Hawthorne, was a magistrate at Salem in the
latter part of the seventeenth century, and officiated at the famous trials for
witchcraft held there. It is of record that he used peculiar severity towards a
certain woman who was among the accused; and the husband of this woman
prophesied that God would take revenge upon his wife’s persecutors. This
circumstance doubtless furnished a hint for that piece of tradition in the book
which represents a Pyncheon of a former generation as having persecuted one
Maule, who declared that God would give his enemy “blood to drink.”
It became a conviction with the Hawthorne family that a curse had been
pronounced upon its members, which continued in force in the time of the
romancer; a conviction perhaps derived from the recorded prophecy of the
injured woman’s husband, just mentioned; and, here again, we have a
correspondence with Maule’s malediction in the story. Furthermore, there
occurs in the “American Note-Books” (August 27, 1837), a
reminiscence of the author’s family, to the following effect. Philip
English, a character well-known in early Salem annals, was among those who
suffered from John Hathorne’s magisterial harshness, and he maintained in
consequence a lasting feud with the old Puritan official. But at his death
English left daughters, one of whom is said to have married the son of Justice
John Hathorne, whom English had declared he would never forgive. It is scarcely
necessary to point out how clearly this foreshadows the final union of those
hereditary foes, the Pyncheons and Maules, through the marriage of Phœbe and
Holgrave. The romance, however, describes the Maules as possessing some of the
traits known to have been characteristic of the Hawthornes: for example,
“so long as any of the race were to be found, they had been marked out
from other men—not strikingly, nor as with a sharp line, but with an
effect that was felt rather than spoken of—by an hereditary
characteristic of reserve.” Thus, while the general suggestion of the
Hawthorne line and its fortunes was followed in the romance, the Pyncheons
taking the place of the author’s family, certain distinguishing marks of
the Hawthornes were assigned to the imaginary Maule posterity.
There are one or two other points which indicate Hawthorne’s method of
basing his compositions, the result in the main of pure invention, on the solid
ground of particular facts. Allusion is made, in the first chapter of the
“Seven Gables,” to a grant of lands in Waldo County, Maine, owned
by the Pyncheon family. In the “American Note-Books” there is an
entry, dated August 12, 1837, which speaks of the Revolutionary general, Knox,
and his land-grant in Waldo County, by virtue of which the owner had hoped to
establish an estate on the English plan, with a tenantry to make it profitable
for him. An incident of much greater importance in the story is the supposed
murder of one of the Pyncheons by his nephew, to whom we are introduced as
Clifford Pyncheon. In all probability Hawthorne connected with this, in his
mind, the murder of Mr. White, a wealthy gentleman of Salem, killed by a man
whom his nephew had hired. This took place a few years after Hawthorne’s
graduation from college, and was one of the celebrated cases of the day, Daniel
Webster taking part prominently in the trial. But it should be observed here
that such resemblances as these between sundry elements in the work of
Hawthorne’s fancy and details of reality are only fragmentary, and are
rearranged to suit the author’s purposes.
In the same way he has made his description of Hepzibah Pyncheon’s
seven-gabled mansion conform so nearly to several old dwellings formerly or
still extant in Salem, that strenuous efforts have been made to fix upon some
one of them as the veritable edifice of the romance. A paragraph in the opening
chapter has perhaps assisted this delusion that there must have been a single
original House of the Seven Gables, framed by flesh-and-blood carpenters; for
it runs thus:—
“Familiar as it stands in the writer’s recollection—for it
has been an object of curiosity with him from boyhood, both as a specimen of
the best and stateliest architecture of a long-past epoch, and as the scene of
events more full of interest perhaps than those of a gray feudal
castle—familiar as it stands, in its rusty old age, it is therefore only
the more difficult to imagine the bright novelty with which it first caught the
sunshine.”
Hundreds of pilgrims annually visit a house in Salem, belonging to one branch
of the Ingersoll family of that place, which is stoutly maintained to have been
the model for Hawthorne’s visionary dwelling. Others have supposed that
the now vanished house of the identical Philip English, whose blood, as we have
already noticed, became mingled with that of the Hawthornes, supplied the
pattern; and still a third building, known as the Curwen mansion, has been
declared the only genuine establishment. Notwithstanding persistent popular
belief, the authenticity of all these must positively be denied; although it is
possible that isolated reminiscences of all three may have blended with the
ideal image in the mind of Hawthorne. He, it will be seen, remarks in the
Preface, alluding to himself in the third person, that he trusts not to be
condemned for “laying out a street that infringes upon nobody’s
private rights... and building a house of materials long in use for
constructing castles in the air.” More than this, he stated to persons
still living that the house of the romance was not copied from any actual
edifice, but was simply a general reproduction of a style of architecture
belonging to colonial days, examples of which survived into the period of his
youth, but have since been radically modified or destroyed. Here, as elsewhere,
he exercised the liberty of a creative mind to heighten the probability of his
pictures without confining himself to a literal description of something he had
seen.
While Hawthorne remained at Lenox, and during the composition of this romance,
various other literary personages settled or stayed for a time in the vicinity;
among them, Herman Melville, whose intercourse Hawthorne greatly enjoyed, Henry
James, Sr., Doctor Holmes, J. T. Headley, James Russell Lowell, Edwin P.
Whipple, Frederika Bremer, and J. T. Fields; so that there was no lack of
intellectual society in the midst of the beautiful and inspiring mountain
scenery of the place. “In the afternoons, nowadays,” he records,
shortly before beginning the work, “this valley in which I dwell seems
like a vast basin filled with golden Sunshine as with wine;” and, happy
in the companionship of his wife and their three children, he led a simple,
refined, idyllic life, despite the restrictions of a scanty and uncertain
income. A letter written by Mrs. Hawthorne, at this time, to a member of her
family, gives incidentally a glimpse of the scene, which may properly find a
place here. She says: “I delight to think that you also can look forth,
as I do now, upon a broad valley and a fine amphitheater of hills, and are
about to watch the stately ceremony of the sunset from your piazza. But you
have not this lovely lake, nor, I suppose, the delicate purple mist which folds
these slumbering mountains in airy veils. Mr. Hawthorne has been lying down in
the sun shine, slightly fleckered with the shadows of a tree, and Una and
Julian have been making him look like the mighty Pan, by covering his chin and
breast with long grass-blades, that looked like a verdant and venerable
beard.” The pleasantness and peace of his surroundings and of his modest
home, in Lenox, may be taken into account as harmonizing with the mellow
serenity of the romance then produced. Of the work, when it appeared in the
early spring of 1851, he wrote to Horatio Bridge these words, now published for
the first time:—
“‘The House of the Seven Gables’ in my opinion, is better
than ‘The Scarlet Letter:’ but I should not wonder if I had refined
upon the principal character a little too much for popular appreciation, nor if
the romance of the book should be somewhat at odds with the humble and familiar
scenery in which I invest it. But I feel that portions of it are as good as
anything I can hope to write, and the publisher speaks encouragingly of its
success.”
From England, especially, came many warm expressions of praise,—a fact
which Mrs. Hawthorne, in a private letter, commented on as the fulfillment of a
possibility which Hawthorne, writing in boyhood to his mother, had looked
forward to. He had asked her if she would not like him to become an author and
have his books read in England.
G. P. L.